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The figure corresponds to the number of lines a player can activate to collect winning combinations. Players can bet from 1 to 50 credits on each of them. It triggers the spin at the maximum allowed values. If you are lucky to collect a winning combination on 5 reels, you can try your luck in a risk game. During the game, on the screen, you will see a card, which lies upside down. On each side of it, there are two keys. By clicking on one of them, you select red or black. The aim of these provisional structures was to provide private accommodation at short notice once the Kosovo War had ended. Where these have become long-term solutions, they have not lost their unfinished character.

What has survived from this period — the single-family homes on the outskirts of the city as well as commercial buildings — complies with the language of Turbo Architecture cf. Jovanovic-Weiss 2006: The imitation and recombination of the western styles seen in the media 3 can be interpreted as the anticipation of or a substitute for emigration. The spread of Turbo Architecture is in large part linked to the investment by the Kosovan diaspora in property cf. In recent years, numerous large apartments and single-family homes have been built around the centre of Pristina. In this context, emigrant Kosovans are buyers as well as investors.

However, few of these second homes or potential retirement homes are actually in use. For much of the year, these buildings stand empty: When it comes to the built environment, the Kosovan diaspora is at once absent and present. Relational and symbolic spaces Transfers made by the diaspora not only exercise considerable influence over what is built in Pristina, they also account for a considerable portion of GDP. This financial dependency is embedded in a tight, cross-border network of social relations. Almost every resident of Pristina either has a relative or friend in the cities of western Europe or has lived in these cities for part of their lives.

Social life therefore switches between various spaces; as a result, the relational distance between Pristina and the possible target locations for emigration remains minimal. Knowledge of local events is frequently on a par with that of events in cities with a significant Kosovan diaspora community: All my friends are there. In Pristina, the relational proximity to Elsewhere results not only from relationships but symbols, too. Everywhere one finds names of places containing the names of the target cities or countries of emigration. In Pristina and its surroundings there is: Hell City is what one resident calls Pristina. Beyond Pristina In many ways, the conceptualization of Pristina as a departure city does not do the city justice.

Kosovo has some highly specific challenges, including its unclear status under international law, the presence of both international and supranational institutions, and a political system that is still under construction. Finally, Kosovo has experienced the far-reaching transition from a socialist to a capitalist economic system, a process that took place under specific post-conflict circumstances cf. All such elements are closely related to planned and stalled, to permanent and temporary emigration, and are not to be equated with decline and shrinking. It is particularly there, where political obstacles lie in the way of migration, that cities can at least temporarily or materially grow, even in the absence of supporting economic structures.

This development may well spread as the reinforcement of borders to prevent migration takes on an ominous relevance. But from this side of the border too, and not least with regard to the arrival of refugees, there is much to be learnt from the experience of the provisional and fleeting. BMI, Bundesministerium für Inneres 2015: Asylwesen Juni 2015, bmi. Brunnbauer, Ulf 2015: Archithese 45, no. Jovanovic-Weiss, Srdjan 2006: Almost Architecture. Akademie Schloss Solitude. Norman, Karin 2014: Saunders, Dough 2010: Arrival City: Smith, Michael 2001: Transnational Urbanism: Locating Globalization.

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, library. Vöckler, Kai 2010: Continuity and Change in Urban Space and Imagery. Jovis Verlag, 210-29. Vöckler, Kai 2015: Vöckler, Kai Hg. Prishtina is Everywhere. Turbo-Urbanismus als Resultat einer Krise. This is of course not the case. The situation in Pristina cannot be explained merely with reference to emigration alone; at least as important for understanding the city are various processes of transformation, the effects of the Kosovo War and the country's ambiguous standing under international law.

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It already begins in the first stages of planning and preparation, with the readiness to emigrate. Third, migration is a genuinely relational phenomenon; it produces complex relations between places cf. Smith 2001. The phenomenon goes well beyond a mere change of place of residence. New relations already begin to emerge as soon as the move to another territory, to another city, becomes a real option; and these relations do not end as soon as the option becomes a reality. However, at the same time, social networks gain in significance — whether through previously established contact with those who have already emigrated or those who have yet to leave, or through entirely new contacts.

As these translocal socioeconomic ties emerge, political conditions and interdependencies shift too. Bearing in mind these three properties of migration processes, it becomes clear that a city shaped by emigration does not automatically have to be a city in decline. Even if the exodus of certain mobile groups of the population is a central element of a departure city, its development cannot be reduced to images of vacant buildings, the disappearance of city life and ruin. The urban space and the rhythm of the departure city is equally shaped by waiting for the temporary return of emigrants and associated preparations, as well as the relations that materialize as a result.

Phases of departure and arrival flow into one another. The departure city can be a starting point or stopover as well as the ultimate goal, the desired or planned place of return, a place where emigrants leave behind fleeting traces. Despite the considerable influence of emigration, departure cities can grow, at least temporarily or structurally. Waiting room Pristina? In fact, at first glance, Pristina scarcely comes across as a city defined by shrinking and decline — far from it. Even if the figures concerning its current size vary considerably, it cannot be denied that the population of the Kosovan capital has at least doubled in the last 15 years. Another is the repatriation of refugees after the end of the Kosovo War in 1999, as well as and probably most importantly an influx into Pristina of the rural population cf.

Vöckler 2010. This growth through migration is however hardly an expression of economic prosperity. For years, unemployment has remained constant at around 40 per cent — meanwhile, informal work is common. Kosovo belongs to the poorest of European countries. As such, things are only slightly better in Pristina, thanks above all to the presence of the national and international administration. Once one starts to examine the background to this migration, it is the group of repatriated refugees in particular that appears to consider Pristina a stopover. This is a typical statement; a similar approach is widespread among those who have left the countryside: But here [in a kiosk] one can earn some money.

Lack of finances is not the only impediment or cause of delay when it comes to emigration. In addition there are certain conditions attached to entering most of the viable target countries. Particularly after the latest restrictions put on the right to asylum in Europe, it is virtually impossible for many groups to leave Kosovo legally. Without a visa, Kosovans can only travel to Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Turkey by air and Serbia, with the latter viewing Kosovo as part of its own territory. Even those who receive an invitation and letter of support enabling them to apply for a visa are far from being guaranteed a straightforward journey to the desired destination.

The process of visa application involves waiting and delays in the reception areas of consulates and embassies in Pristina that, together with the bus stop, airport, call shops and Western Union branches, constitute the infrastructure of emigration. Which is why, in many respects, Pristina resembles a waiting room that grows ever fuller, a meeting place for the streams of ready and willing emigrants and those continually returning home. These include simple single-story buildings or structures atop the roofs of flats built under the Yugoslavian regime. The aim of these provisional structures was to provide private accommodation at short notice once the Kosovo War had ended.

Where these have become long-term solutions, they have not lost their unfinished character. What has survived from this period — the single-family homes on the outskirts of the city as well as commercial buildings — complies with the language of Turbo Architecture cf. Jovanovic-Weiss 2006: The imitation and recombination of the western styles seen in the media 3 can be interpreted as the anticipation of or a substitute for emigration. The spread of Turbo Architecture is in large part linked to the investment by the Kosovan diaspora in property cf.

In recent years, numerous large apartments and single-family homes have been built around the centre of Pristina. In this context, emigrant Kosovans are buyers as well as investors. However, few of these second homes or potential retirement homes are actually in use. For much of the year, these buildings stand empty: When it comes to the built environment, the Kosovan diaspora is at once absent and present. Relational and symbolic spaces Transfers made by the diaspora not only exercise considerable influence over what is built in Pristina, they also account for a considerable portion of GDP. This financial dependency is embedded in a tight, cross-border network of social relations.

Almost every resident of Pristina either has a relative or friend in the cities of western Europe or has lived in these cities for part of their lives. Social life therefore switches between various spaces; as a result, the relational distance between Pristina and the possible target locations for emigration remains minimal. Knowledge of local events is frequently on a par with that of events in cities with a significant Kosovan diaspora community: All my friends are there.

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